South Africa

South African Indians: the past, the present and the future

YouTube Video Clip: A brief outline of the history of Indians in South Africa

Professor Narendra Bhana, University of Durban – Westville, Durban, South Africa

Introduction

The South African Indians represent a typical example of the Indian diaspora thriving in their lands of adoption. Arriving virtually as slaves in Natal, today many occupy senior positions in business, the professions, politics and community organisations. Nevertheless, the pioneering labourers made great sacrifices and laid the foundations for future generations. Various White governments made attempts to repatriate them to the land of their origin (this was strongly resisted and demonstrates that the pioneers were determined to sink their roots into South Africa). With the advent of the first truly democratic elections, and the election of the ANC Government much uncertainty still exists about the future of the Indians. Many Indians perceive the policy of affirmative action as favouring the indigenous Blacks and as another obstacle for the Indian community. However, enormous opportunities are opening up as many Whites are leaving South Africa to seek the security of other developed countries.

Indentured labourers

The first group of Indians arrived in the British colony of Natal in 1860. About 150 indentured labourers arrived at Port Natal on board the ship Truro. When the sugar industry was established in Natal the local Zulu labourers were recruited to work on the sugar plantations. However, the Natal colonial authorities were not initially aware that Zulu males regarded agricultural work as a female activity. Traditionally, the Zulu males were involved in grazing cattle and defending the tribe against foreign attack. The high labour turnover forced the colonial authorities to seek Indian labour that was already successfully employed in other British colonies.

The indentured labourers were given a monthly stipend of two British pounds. They were also given provisions and their health needs were catered for. Their earnings as indentured labourers were considerably higher than they could earn in India. Therefore, future shipments of indentured labourers were highly successful. At the end of the initial three year contract the indentured labourers were given a free passage back to India or given agricultural land equivalent to the value of a passage back to India. Owning their own land was an unlikely event in their homeland of India and it is understandable that the majority preferred to remain in South Africa.

The working conditions of the indentured labourers were harsh. The plantation owners demanded long hours of work in the oppressive humid climate of Natal. Harsh punishment was meted out on labourers who could not keep up with the heavy workload. Their problems were compounded by the fact that they were living in a foreign land with a foreign culture and they also had to contend with many foreign languages. Not everyone could cope with the severe demands. But those who did became land-owning free Indians, considered to be wealthy by the standards of their former homeland.

Passenger Indians

By the turn of the century close to 80,000 Indians were residing in the colony of Natal. These people required goods and services to meet the everyday needs which could not be adequately provided by the English traders. An appeal was made to the Protector of Indian Immigrants to allow traders from India to settle in Natal. The Protector of Indian Immigrants was appointed by the Natal Colonial Government to safeguard the well being of the indentured labourers. Permission was granted to the so-called Passenger Indians to set up trading operations in Natal. Passenger Indians were classified differently by the Natal Government because they came as free passengers from India. They paid their own fare and were allowed to own property and to engage in trade activities. As they owned land they were also entitled to vote in local government elections. The Indian traders were hard working and efficient. They soon began to dominate trade throughout the colony. Their Zulu and English customers were attracted by the efficient service and competitive prices. The White traders became threatened and soon began to lobby for restrictions to be placed on the Indian traders. They were accused of unfair trade practices. Legislation was enacted to restrict Indian traders to clearly demarcated areas that were supposed to serve their own community. Soon legislation was also passed to restrict the Indians to reside in areas reserved for them. This was the infamous Group Areas Act that was to be a forerunner of the apartheid policy to be later introduced by the Nationalist Party in South Africa.

Despite the widespread restrictions, the Indian traders prospered and many also set up businesses in the Transvaal. The first Indian settlers found their way into the Transvaal in the early eighties. They were free from restrictions of any kind whatsoever. However, this would change as they aroused the jealousy of the White traders. Various professional Indians such as doctors, lawyers, and accountants also came to settle in the Natal Colony. At the time of World War I, the Indian population had increased to around 125,000, and as a result many Whites feared the domination of the Natal colony by Indians.

The position of Indians under different political dispensations

The political arrangements for the Indians differed greatly between the British colonies (Natal and Cape of Good Hope) and the Boer Republics (Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic). The British colonies valued the economic contribution of the Indians. Discrimination against the Indians was motivated to protect White economic interest. The Boer Republics regarded Indians as racially inferior and believed that discrimination was justified to preserve Afrikaaner religion and cultural values. The British colonies had to contend with British public opinion in dealing with the Indians in South Africa. The Boer Republics did not have to consider any outside influences in their treatment of Indians.

Indians were not recruited to work in the highly successful agricultural industry in Cape Colony. The Cape Coloured community provided reliable workers to work on the fruit farms that dominated the economic activity of the Cape Colony. Therefore, no Indian workers were recruited. However, a small number of Indian businessmen began to operate in the prosperous area of Cape Town. The Cape Colony had a progressive government and the Indians and Coloureds had a qualified vote that was tied to the ownership of land and property in the Cape Colony.

However, the majority of the Indians were settled in the Colony of Natal. By 1920 the Indian population had reached 130,000 and had surpassed the White population of around 115,000 at that time. The faster growing Indian population threatened the Whites. It therefore became official government policy to marginalise the Indians by restricting them to clearly demarcated ‘Indian Areas’. Indentured labour into the Colony was at first discouraged and later completely outlawed. Indians were subjected to the payment of punitive rates of taxation. Repatriation to India was encouraged but was strongly resisted by the Indian community.

The professional and business groups within the Indian community realised that the discriminatory practices of the Natal Colonial Government had to be resisted. Mahatma Gandhi had come to South Africa to represent a client in Pretoria who was involved in a legal dispute with a fellow Indian businessman. Having completed his legal assignment Gandhi set up his legal practice in Durban. With the support of the Indian professional and the business communities, Gandhi formed a political organisation, the Natal Indian Congress (NIC). Under the inspirational leadership of Gandhi the NIC mobilised the Indian community to start a campaign to expose the injustices perpetrated by the Natal Colonial Government. Gandhi started a newspaper, the Indian Opinion, in 1903 to resist racial discrimination. Petitions were sent to the Indian Government and the Colonial Office in London to mobilise support to bring an end to racial discrimination. As a result of this pressure from the NIC, much of the petty discriminatory legislation against the Indian Community was withdrawn.

The Boer Republics of Transvaal and the Orange Free State

In the Orange Free State, the Parliament (Volksraad) passed legislation forbidding the entry of Indians into the region. The Boers were suspicious of the Indians and somehow associated them with the Arabs who had previously invaded large parts of Africa and spread the religion of Islam. The deeply religious Boers regarded it as their Christian duty to resist the spread of foreign religions in their territory. The ‘Coolie Act’ forbidding the entry of Indians into the Orange Free State continued even after the formation of the Union of South Africa.

In the Transvaal Republic, President Paul Kruger was highly suspicious of all foreigners including people of European origin. President Kruger passed legislation that denied political rights to all non-Afrikaaners. The ‘Uitlanders’ were allowed to develop the economy, but were regarded as temporary sojourners in the Transvaal Republic. The discovery of gold in Johannesburg drew large numbers of ‘gold diggers’ from all parts of the world. Many Indians from Natal were also tempted to participate in the rapidly growing economy of the Transvaal. Indian businessmen in particular were attracted to the rapidly growing mining town of Johannesburg.

The Transvaal Boers regarded people having dark skins as inferior. The Indians were therefore placed in the same category as the indigenous Blacks and were subject to the harsh racial discrimination. Indians were confined to live in ‘Coolie Compounds’ under extremely unhygienic conditions. There was to be no physical contact between the Indian and Whites. The Indians were required to walk on the other side of the street when a White person approached. They had to be in possession of a pass at all times. The Indians were politically unorganised and lacked effective leadership. Therefore they were not in a position from which they could challenge the discriminatory laws passed by the Transvaal Government. The most serious of the laws was Law 3 of 1885, as amended in 1886. This law restricted Indians to reside in locations specifically created for them.

The Union of South Africa

The discovery of gold in Johannesburg and the denial of political rights to the large number of mainly White British citizens in the Transvaal would lead to a conflict between the Boers and Britain. At the turn of the century the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) took place. The Boer republics of the Orange Free State and the Tranvaal formed a united front and challenged the British forces stationed in the Natal and the Cape Colony. The Afrikaaners lost the Boer War and the terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging (1902) stipulated that the Boer Republics fell under British rule. In 1910 the four previous independent states formed the Union of South Africa.

The position of the Indians did not change for better in the British dominated Union of South Africa. In fact, the prevailing discriminatory legislation in the previously independent territories was simply adopted by the South African government. Most importantly, the Pass Laws and the discriminatory taxes applied to all Indians living in the Union of South Africa.

Once again the Indian traders took the initiative to fight discriminatory laws. Mahatma Gandhi had now set up offices in Johannesburg and took the leading role in forming the Transvaal Indian Congress (TIC) along the lines of the NIC. Gandhi experimented with his newly developed philosophy of Satyagraha. Gandhi explained Satyagraha as a ‘soul force, pure and simple’, a weapon for those in search for truth. Satyagraha is based on the principle of non-violence. There was not the remotest idea of injuring the opponent. Satyagraha postulates the conquest of the adversary by suffering in one’s own person.

Members of the TIC refused to recognise the discriminatory laws against the Indians and simply gave themselves up for arrest for breaking the law. In particular, they held a meeting in Johannesburg on 16 August 1908. At the meeting over 3000 Indians gathered and burnt their passes (registration certificates) to defy the law. While in prison Gandhi wrote several letters to the Transvaal Colonial Secretary, Smuts asking for the review of the discriminatory laws against the Indians. Several meetings took place between General Smuts and Gandhi. General Smuts was deeply impressed with Gandhi’s policy of passive resistance and agreed to release Gandhi and his followers. He also immediately abolished the notorious Pass Laws applicable to Indians. He also gave Gandhi an assurance that all other discriminatory laws would be abolished after further consultations with Cabinet Ministers. Gandhi felt that his work in South Africa was accomplished and in 1914 he departed for India to resume his fight to end British Rule over India.

However, Smuts was not successful in influencing his fellow Cabinet Ministers to abolish all discriminatory laws against Indians. While the position of the Indians in South Africa improved they were still regarded as second class citizens in the land of their birth. The NIC and TIC resumed their political struggle and joined forces with the ANC to form a united front against racial discrimination in South Africa

Afrikaaner rule 1948–1994.

General Smuts lost the election in 1948 and the National Party (NP), under the leadership of D F Malan, came into power. It was clear that racial discrimination would intensify because the NP’s political slogan was ‘The Kaffer in his place and the Coolie out of the Country’. The NP set about creating a systematic form of racial discrimination that in Afrikaans they called apartheid or separateness. They identified four distinct racial groups: Whites, Blacks, Coloureds and Indians. In theory, each racial group would have their separate facilities where they could enjoy unfettered rights. However, in practice, the best facilities were reserved for Whites and the other groups had vastly inferior facilities. For example, the Whites who comprised about 20% of the country’s population were allocated 80% of the land.

Every aspect of life was governed by the policy of apartheid. The Indians and other racial groups had their own residential areas, schools, hospitals, sport and recreational facilities. However, it was in the economic sphere that apartheid had the most devastating effect on the Indians and the other non-White communities of South Africa. A strict policy of job reservation was enforced. Management and senior positions were reserved for the White community. The non-Whites were the proverbial hewers of wood and the carriers of water. Non-Whites were in all cases paid lower wages and salaries and this was justified on the grounds that they had a lower standard of living.

The Indian community also felt the full sting of apartheid. However, the NIC and TIC introduced various programmes of self-help for the Indian community. The Indian community raised the necessary funds to build schools, hospitals, welfare organisations, and recreational facilities. This was in response to the deficiencies created by apartheid, and the Indian community sent several representatives to the United Nations and the Government of India to highlight the evils of apartheid.

The TIC, NIC and the ANC started to mobilise the non-White communities to challenge the policy of apartheid. Several other political organisations such as the Pan African Congress (PAC) also joined the fight. This opposition was strongly resisted by the South African Police who enforced the apartheid laws. For example, in 1960 the PAC arranged a political meeting to object to the Pass Laws. The police opened fire on the protestors and almost a hundred protestors were killed in Sharpeville. The NP also banned all-Black political organisations such as the ANC and PAC. Many Indians who were members of the ANC joined their Black brothers and went into exile in the neighbouring countries and Europe.

The ANC in exile reached a decision to isolate the apartheid Government of South Africa. They gained recognition at the United Nations as a liberation movement and formed a pressure group to declare apartheid a crime against humanity. They also established a military wing to infiltrate South Africa and sabotage the military and economic capacity of the country. The mounting pressure at the United Nations and the passing of the Anti Apartheid Act of 1984 by the United States made life very difficult for the NP Government. This was followed by the United Nations passing economic/cultural/sports sanctions against South Africa. These sanctions were preceded by protest programmes by countries such as India and the Soviet Union that had applied sanctions against South Africa since the 1950s. The South African economy went into a recession and the NP Government experimented with a phased approach to the abolition of apartheid.

In 1984 a system of Trichameral Parliament was established. Whites, Indians and Coloureds were to have their own Parliaments in which they had an ultimate say in affairs concerning their communities. The Blacks were to have their own Chamber at a future date. The Trichameral system was seen through by the ANC, NIC and TIC as a ploy to perpetuate White domination of South Africa. The White chamber having the power of veto over the other chambers. However a minority of Indians took part in the elections for the House of Delegates – the Indian Chamber. The Indian community did benefit materially because substantial resources were allocated for the betterment of the Indian community. To the vast majority of Indians the House of Delegates was seen as a legalised perpetuation of apartheid. The lack of a chamber for Blacks was to prove a stumbling block for the system. The ANC intensified the political struggle and when De Klerk became the State President he took the purposeful decision to retract the ban on the ANC and all other political organisations in exile.

The ANC Government: April 1994 to date

The first truly democratic election in South Africa had substantial implications for the South African Indian community. The high profile of the Indians in the ANC hierarchy was very beneficial. When Nelson Mandela became the President of South Africa he included six Indians in his cabinet of sixteen members. The Indians, making up three percent of the population, were over-represented at executive level. They also had a proportionally larger number of members of Parliament. With Mandela and Buthelezi being the only traditional ‘chiefs’ in the cabinet many maintained that ‘there were too many Indians and not enough chiefs’. The high profile of the Indians in the political process reflects the great sacrifice that the Indians made when the ANC was in exile.

The ANC Government systematically began to abolish all previous discriminatory legislation. All the previously disadvantaged groups benefited. The Indians prospered the most because of the advantages of superior education and greater wealth. In particular, the Indian business community prospered in the post-apartheid South Africa. They were now able to enter many sectors of commerce and industry that were previously not open to them. Furthermore, wealthy Indians could now move into residential areas that were previously restricted to Whites. The ANC Government introduced legislation to empower previously disadvantaged communities. Many companies had previously discriminated against local Blacks. Therefore, their affirmative action polices tended to favour the Blacks. They also interpreted Blacks as meaning people of African origin. The Indian community objected strongly and on several occasions Nelson Mandela and his senior officials assured the Indian community that all previously disadvantaged communities (African, Coloureds and Indians) should be treated equally in affirmative action programmes.

Despite government assurances the Indian community felt that they were being marginalised. For instance, Indians previously were the majority at the University of Durban-Westville. The University systematically increased the intake of Black students in many courses where they had previously had no access. Medicine was one course where few Blacks were able to enter at local universities. The University of Natal was the only university that enrolled Black students. Even at the University of Natal more Indians were accepted than Blacks. The decision, by the University of Natal, to let student registration be dictated by population demographics resulted in an outcry from the Indian community. The Minority Front Party, led by the maverick politician Amichand Rajbansi, attracted many followers as he had pledged to fight for a better dispensation for the Indian community.

Since South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy, Nelson Mandela has endeavoured to make the country’s minority communities feel more secure. He has held many meetings with White, Coloured and Indian opinion-makers to address their insecurities. In May 2000 Mandela held a meeting with about 30 young Indian graduates and professionals with whom he wanted to discuss pertinent issues related to the Indian community. Mandela opened the meeting by asking Indian intellectuals for their assessment of the ANC Government’s performance since 1994 and to raise issues of concern to the Indian community. Mandela was surprised at the level of insecurity expressed by the Indian youth. There was a litany of complaints about the Indian not having a place in the ‘rainbow nation’, resentment about the progress of unqualified and inefficient Blacks, the hackneyed line about Indians not being Black enough, insecurities about affirmative action and fears about Blacks ‘taking over our schools, suburbs and jobs.’

The real tragedy of post-apartheid South Africa is that the long awaited peace dividend has not materialised. The poor economic prospects and the high level of unemployment has resulted in minority groups such as the Whites, Coloureds and Indians being fearful and suspicious of the Blacks who have been the main beneficiaries of the policy of affirmative action. The Indian community seems to be at the crossroads. Should they be grateful for the privileges they have enjoyed in the past and should they use their advantaged position to support economically disadvantaged communities? Should they be responsible for building a society based on equity and justice in which there is a place for all the citizens of South Africa? Politically, the Indian community is very divided. In the general election of 1994 over fifty percent of Indians voted for the National Party. The Minority Front Party also received good Indian support. The majority of Indians reside in the province of Kwazulu Natal. The Indian support for other parties enabled the IFP to become the ruling party in the province by a small majority. There is a political conundrum facing the Indian community. They have always expressed admiration and support for the ANC. But there is a general suspicion that, while the ANC has appointed many Indians in key government positions, it has, in its actions, tended to marginalise the Indian community as a whole from mainstream economic activities.

Major challenges

A major development in post-apartheid South Africa is the pessimism of the Whites regarding their future in the country. This is based on the firm conviction that the Blacks will seek revenge for the apartheid policies of the past. Furthermore, many Whites believe that the policies of affirmative action will make it difficult for them to obtain jobs. As a result many Whites may have joined the ‘chicken run’ and have sought greener pastures in overseas countries. Emigration is very easy because they invariably enjoy dual citizenship. Most Whites prefer to return to the country of their origin or to the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

The White brain drain has had a crippling effect on the South African economy. Under apartheid Whites had dominated all spheres of life in the country. In particular, they dominated economic activity in South Africa. For instance, it is said that at the time of the political settlement in 1994 South African Whites owned 98% of the shares listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. They also had a virtual monopoly in the mining and manufacturing industries. The Whites also dominated the various professions in South Africa. Since 1994 an average of some 1200 White professionals have emigrated from South Africa annually. While this may not appear excessive, it must be kept in mind that South Africa has a narrow base of skilled professionals. It is clear that a large-scale emigration of Whites would have a detrimental effect on all spheres of life in the country.

Within the non-White community the Indian contribution to the economy is out of proportion to their numerical strength. They dominated the various professions within non-White communities. Indians have also made major investments in manufacturing such as the textile and clothing industries. As such they provide employment opportunities for many Blacks in the country. A handful of Indian professionals have left the country in the post-apartheid period. It would be to the detriment of the country if they were to grow as pessimistic about the country’s future as the Whites. No country has accomplished a major political transformation without the accompanying economic growth. Perhaps the Indian community should recognise that their future is best served by creating a wealthy South Africa.

A greater role in the economic development of South Africa.

South Africa is said to have accomplished a ‘political miracle’. Political freedom in itself is meaningless if it is not accompanied by an ‘economic miracle’. The post-apartheid period is characterised by the economy going into a severe recession. The expected economic growth rate of 1.0% in 1999 is inadequate when the population is rising at a rate of 2.5%. Furthermore, unemployment among Blacks is estimated to be as high as 30%. The high rate of unemployment among Blacks and the low economic growth has contributed to the high crime rate prevailing in South Africa. This high crime rate has prevented many overseas companies from making meaningful investments in South Africa. The expected peace dividend has not been achieved in South Africa. Instead White capital, management know-how, and professional skills are leaving the country and this will further slow down future economic growth. This vicious circle can only be broken down if the Indian community fill the vacuum created by the departing Whites. Under White rule the Indians could only play a minor role in the economy. The Group Areas Act dictated that they could operate only in areas demarcated for use by the Indian community. In their own areas there were limited facilities for trading and minimal facilities for manufacturing. They were precluded from participating in the mainstream economy. Several enterprising Indians used White nominees or formed companies with White shareholders to set up manufacturing operations in the main industrial regions of the country. Under ANC rule there is tremendous scope for the Indians to get into the mainstream manufacturing and service industries. The departure of many Whites has created opportunities for Indians to acquire their businesses.

Many overseas companies are setting up manufacturing operations in the new South Africa. The preferred route is to take on Black equity partners. Such a business structure qualifies these companies to tender for lucrative government contracts. The relatively wealthy Indian community have the funds to take up equity stakes in overseas companies establishing manufacturing operations in South Africa. Malaysia has been the largest foreign investor in South Africa since 1994. The close cultural and religious ties with the Indian community resulted in this group being an obvious choice when the Malaysian investors set up manufacturing operations in South Africa. The work ethic and entrepreneurial flair of the Indian community also makes them an obvious choice for overseas investors seeking local business partners in South Africa.

Indian professionals are playing a major role in the post-apartheid economy. In the past, job reservation for Whites and the thirst for education produced a substantial pool of Indian academics and professionals. Chartered accountants play an important role in any economy. In South Africa the Blacks and the Coloured communities each have approximately two hundred chartered accountants. The Indians currently have well over a thousand. Similarly, over seventy percent of lawyers and attorneys in the non-White group come from the Indian community. About twenty percent of the lawyers and attorneys come from the Coloured community and only ten percent from the Black community. Indians occupy leading positions in various organisations representing legal practitioners. The Chief Justice of South Africa, Ismail Mohammed, also comes from the Indian community. The emigration of many White computer professionals has resulted in the Indians now dominating the computer service industry. Furthermore, the close links between India and the ANC government has resulted in many professionals from the Indian sub-continent settling in South Africa and filling the gap caused by departing White professionals.

Education and training of disadvantaged communities

The Indian community has placed a premium on university education and has the highest number of graduates per capita of population. In contrast, the Blacks have the poorest performance record of all the different racial groups. At school level, Black pupils attending township schools have performed miserably. The lack of resources at Black schools and the many under qualified Black teachers being the reason for this. The decline in the Indian population in recent years has resulted in many Indian teachers being made redundant or unemployed. The Department of Education has started to re-deploy Indian teachers to the poorly resourced Black schools. Similarly, Indian university academics have been urged to teach at historically Black universities. The ANC government is placing great emphasis on implementing changes to rectify the inequalities in education created by the legacy of apartheid. The Indian community is ideally placed to assist in achieving this objective.

Traditionally, only Whites have had access to private education in South Africa. In recent years Indians have started to make dramatic inroads in the establishment of private schools, colleges of education and private universities. For example, a group of Indian academics have established a private college, the Management College of Southern Africa (MANCOSA), to offer distance education management programmes franchised from British universities. After four years of operation and facing competition from forty other private colleges they have become the largest providers of the Master of Business Administration (MBA) degree in South Africa. Their recipe for success is that they are paying particular attention to the special needs of students coming from disadvantaged communities.

A major reason for the poverty of Blacks is the lack of education and training. The highly educated Indian community has a unique role to play in improving Black skills. In so doing the Indian community may assist in developing a large middle class of Blacks in South Africa. This has the potential to reduce the crime rate and also enhance the prospects of foreign direct investment into South Africa. The White private education providers have concentrated their efforts on wealthy White and Indian sectors of the market. An affirmative action policy may well achieve the desired objective of raising Black education and skills. The government could assist by providing tax and other incentives to non-White private educational institutions involved in training Blacks.

Integration with other racial groups

A major challenge facing the Indian community is their perceived disloyalty to South Africa. This is based more on the experience in the rest of Africa rather than the reality of the South African situation. For the vast majority of Indians, South Africa is their natural home. Indians have very little contact with their kith and kin in India. After 129 years in the country the Indian community has the largest population outside India. The long established historical roots have been strengthened by the progressive Indian leadership such as the NIC and TIC which has consistently advocated a policy of political and racial accommodation with their Black counterparts. Compared to Whites very few Indians have emigrated. They do not have British passports and the immigration policies of the major western countries have a distinct bias for people of European origin. The vast majority of the South African Indians belong to the middle class and even the wealthy do not export excess capital to India or any other country. A recent study by the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa revealed that only about 10% of the Indians fall into the high income category, and 65% and 25% fall in the middle and lower income categories respectively. The stringent foreign exchange regulations existing in the country since 1960 preclude the possibility of diverting any meaningful amount of capital out of South Africa. Nevertheless the old arguments of milking the cow rather than feeding the cow still prevails.

Due to the Group Areas Act imposed under apartheid there has been very little contact at a social level between Indians and the Black communities. This has no doubt led to the misconception of disloyalty to South Africa. To overcome this stereotype it is essential that Indians increase their social contact with the Black community. Indians should also increase their profile with respect to a greater involvement in the development of the Black communities. In this regard certain religious organisations such as the Ramakrishna Vedanta Society and the Divine Life Society have spearheaded the movement of building schools and clinics in Black areas. They have also made arrangements with Indian medical practitioners to provide medical services free of charge in severely poor areas in the Black townships. On the economic front many Indian businessmen are taking on Black partners to improve their image with Black consumers and the government. These movements will go a long way to demonstrate that the Indians are, in fact, ‘feeding the cow’.

Conclusion

From humble beginnings as indentured labourers the Indians have progressed to a point where despite their small numbers they are playing a leading role in the social, political and economic life of South Africa. In the past Whites discriminated against Indians because they perceived them as an economic threat. Under the ANC Government the policy of affirmative action is perceived by the Indians as a means to marginalise them in favour of the Blacks. While a democratic form of government had been obtained in South Africa there has been no accompanying economic prosperity. The resulting high level of unemployment and crime are threatening the long-term prospects of South Africa. Evidence in other countries have shown that a transition to a democratic form of government is only successful if it is accompanied by economic prosperity that satisfies the aspirations of the vast majority of the population. The Indian community, possessing a good education, entrepreneurial flair, capital and a work ethic, are ideally suited to boost economic growth. Furthermore, the Indians could fill the vacuum created by the many skilled Whites who are leaving the country because of the prevailing political and economic uncertainty. A major challenge may be to demonstrate their patriotism by showing their commitment to all the people of South Africa.

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